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本站导读: 人类实现和解,是哲学老人冯友兰最后表达的心愿。

  冯友兰先生在1988年初开始写作《中国哲学史新编》的第7册,1990年去世前5个月,以95岁高龄完成。这是他最后的著作,后来叫《中国现代哲学史》。在完成这册书后所写的《自序》中,他讲到文革后老妻去世时他写的挽联中,有“斩名关,破利锁,俯仰无愧作,海阔天空我自飞”之句。他说:“在写本册第八十一章的时候,我真感觉到‘海阔天空我自飞’的自由了……如果有人不以为然,因之不能出版,吾其为王船山矣。”清初王夫之在深山中著书四十年,达数百卷,几百年以后才出版。冯友兰为什么要自比王夫之?为什么说真感觉到了自由?因为,在最后的著作里,他对毛泽东思想做出了独立的认识和分析。谨摘录介绍如下。

  毛泽东思想分科学、空想、荒谬三阶段

  冯友兰在书里这样介绍毛泽东:“他集党、政、军大权于一身,并且被认为是思想上的领导人。他是中国历史上一个最有权威的人。在几十年中,他兼有了中国传统文化中所谓‘君、师’的地位和职能。因此,他在中国现代革命中,立下了别人所不能立的功绩,也犯下了别人所不能犯的错误。”

  冯友兰把毛泽东思想的发展分为三个阶段:一、新民主主义及以前阶段;二、社会主义阶段;三、极左思想阶段。他说:“毛泽东的思想发展的三个阶段,其性质是大不相同的。第一阶段是科学的,第二阶段是空想的,第三阶段是荒谬的。”

  解放战争胜利后,共产党实施毛泽东提出的政治纲领,称要建设“新民主主义的中国”。1949年与各民主党派通过了《共同纲领》,作为临时宪法。其经济制度中,包括五种经济同时并存,称为新民主主义经济。冯友兰认为这个纲领是毛泽东《新民主主义论》的法律形式。他说:“在《新民主主义论》中,毛泽东所用的革命方法是以革命的任务决定革命的性质,以当时社会的性质决定革命的任务。当时中国的社会性质是半封建、半殖民地,所以当时革命的任务是反帝反封建,由此决定中国革命的性质,不能是社会主义革命,而只能是新民主主义革命。《共同纲领》就是实现新民主主义革命的措施。”

  5年后,全国人民代表大会制定的《中华人民共和国宪法》,正式取代了《共同纲领》的法律效力。冯友兰回顾说:“《共同纲领》的总目标是建设一个新民主主义的国家,《宪法》的总目标是建设一个社会主义国家。由于《宪法》的公布,中国革命就进入了一个新时期,由新民主主义革命进入到社会主义革命。这是一个大转折点。这个转折点,表示毛泽东对于革命方法的认识的大转变……这个转变,在以后的中国社会中,引起了深远的后果。”冯友兰所说的毛泽东思想的科学阶段,到此为止。

  毛泽东的认识发生了怎样的大转变?冯友兰认为,建国后,应该做的事,就是调动中国社会的生产力,以各种方式,由各种渠道,齐头并进。这便是新民主主义道路。如果五种经济中的资本主义经济又发展成为生产力的束缚,那就用社会主义再作解放,这就是革命分两步走的道理。他说:“在《新民主主义论》中,毛泽东本来就是这样主张的。可是,1954年的《宪法》过早地提出社会主义的总目标,毛泽东似乎也想合两步为一步、‘毕其功于一役’了。他在《新民主主义论》中,特别有‘驳左倾空谈主义’一节,曾几何时,毛泽东也走上了‘左倾空谈主义’的路了。”

  那时,毛泽东批判继续搞“新民主主义”的人们,说他们没有懂得革命性质的转变,不去搞社会主义改造,是犯右倾的错误。冯友兰说:“‘他们没有懂得革命性质的转变’这句话,说明毛泽东的思想方法与以前大不一样。他不是以革命的任务决定革命的性质,而是以革命的性质决定革命的任务。”冯友兰认为毛泽东思想由此进入了空想的阶段。

  他写道:“第二阶段之所以是空想的,是因为革命的领导者认为,革命的性质可以决定革命的任务。这就是认为上层建筑可以决定经济基础。这是和马克思主义的历史唯物主义的根本原则直接违反的。”

  人民公社像一个封建大家庭

  冯友兰认为,毛泽东的社会主义思想,主要实现在农村中。解放战争胜利后,中共把没收的地主的土地,按人口平均分配给农民,作为他们的私有物。几年之后又用合作社的形式,把农民连同他们所分得的土地组织起来,称为合作化。这种组织由初级社到高级社,最后到人民公社。冯友兰说:“这种由分而合的过程,毛泽东称之为社会主义运动。”

  他分析道:“可注意的是,他们所理解的‘共产主义’的内容,实际上和康有为的《大同书》是一类的思想。其类似之处,在于都是空想的,不是科学的……以马克思主义的历史唯物主义为理论基础的社会发展史,列举了五种社会类型,一层比一层高。每一新出现的类型,都代表一种新的生产关系。被毛泽东称为‘一大二公’的人民公社,是否代表一种新的生产关系?不见得。在刮‘共产风’的时候,农民不仅是公社社员,也还是他们原来家庭中的成员,仍处于他们原有家庭的组织中。每个社员,在公社劳动所得工分,并不归个人所有。他们回家后,还要如数交给家长,由家长支配。从这一方面看,人民公社倒像一个封建大家庭。这是因为在封建社会中,农民附着于土地,依靠自然经济生活,人民公社就是在这种基础上建立起来的,它并没有改变自然经济,所以还不能超出封建经济形态的范围。”

  冯友兰又说:“人民公社是毛泽东所提倡的社会主义运动的一个重要内容;但从另一方面看,人民公社又像是一个封建大家庭。在那样的家庭中,每一个家庭的成员都依赖于家庭而生活。成员有收入,都要如数上交家长;如果没有收入,也照样受家庭的供给。家庭为其成员准备了‘大锅饭’,成员都有‘铁饭碗’。”

  他认为,人类的思想总是以其经验为资料的。以旧的资料配上新的名称,这可叫做“新瓶装旧酒”,人民公社便是。

  无产阶级不代表新的生产关系

  毛泽东的极左思想,表现的高潮为“文化大革命”。冯友兰认为它这一阶段是荒谬的,其荒谬之处在于空想共产主义。

  冯友兰说,如果认为打出共产主义的旗号,社会生产力就会比以前高几千倍,那就是空想共产主义,因为它的立足点是人们的愿望。在刮“共产风”的时候,认为只要打出共产主义的旗号,粮食的亩产就会提高到一百二十万斤,便是空想共产主义。极左思潮就是空想共产主义。极左思潮在“文化大革命”时期,达到了高潮,统治了中国,造成了十年动乱。

  冯友兰认为,毛泽东的空想共产主义,来源于马克思主义的共产主义理论中的空想成分。他引马克思的理论说,在资本主义社会中,社会矛盾集中为两个对立面:资产阶级和无产阶级。那么,他写道:“照这样的分析,无产阶级不过是与资产阶级共存于资本主义这个统一体中的一个对立面。它和资产阶级一样,是资本主义生产方式的产物,不代表新的生产关系,因为新的生产关系还没有出现。这就如中国封建社会中的农民一样,农民只是封建社会中地主阶级的对立面,不代表新的生产关系,因而即使它通过起义,夺得了政权,也不可能建立新的社会形态。”

  那么,无产阶级夺得政权后呢?冯友兰说:“然而在马克思主义的共产主义理论中,唯物史观的原则并没有被贯穿到底。在没有出现由生产工具的革命引起的生产力的突飞猛进发展,也没有出现由生产力的发展造成的生产关系改变的情况下,马克思主义的共产主义理论却告诉人们,无产阶级是新的生产关系的代表,无产阶级领导的革命可以人为地改变由生产力水平决定的客观历史进程,建立社会主义,这就与唯物史观相矛盾了。由此看来,这个理论带有很大的空想成分。当然这并不是说,无产阶级不能进行革命,不能夺得政权。而是说,不能不顾及生产力的发展水平,超前建立社会主义。无产阶级即使取得了政权,其革命的任务也应该是推动生产力的发展,为更高一级社会形态的出现准备条件。因此,其革命性质只能是资产阶级性的民主主义革命,在中国就是新民主主义革命。在这个问题上,只能遵循历史发展的客观规律,不能靠空想办事情。”

  冯友兰认为,空想的东西,是经不起实践的考验的。中国的空想共产主义,经不起实践的考验,所以要改革。他说:“空想家的空想也是有内容的,不过它的内容是从旧的生产关系中取来的,因为新的生产关系还未出现。”“极左思潮所讲的马克思主义,已经不仅是‘空想’的共产主义,而且是反历史的‘共产主义’。”

  人类不会永远“仇必仇到底”

  在《中国现代哲学史》的最后,冯友兰把马克思主义的辩证法思想和中国古典哲学的辩证法,放在平等的地位上进行比较,得出了发人深省的结论。

  他先做了一点理论的通俗解释:“一个统一体的两个对立面,必须先是一个统一体,然后才成为两个对立面。这个‘先’是逻辑上的先,不是时间上的先。用逻辑的话说,一个统一体的两个对立面,含蕴它们的统一性,而不含蕴它们的斗争性。”

  然后他说:“客观的辩证法只有一个,但人们对于客观辩证法的认识,可以因条件的不同而有差别。照马克思主义的辩证法思想,矛盾斗争是绝对的,无条件的;‘统一’是相对的,有条件的。这是把矛盾斗争放在第一位。中国古典哲学没有这样说,而是把统一放在第一位。理论上的这点差别,在实践上有重大的意义。”

  怎样重大的意义呢?他说:“在中国古典哲学中,张载把辩证法的规律归纳为四句话:‘有像斯有对,对必反其为;有反斯有仇,仇必和而解。’(《正蒙·太和篇》)这四句中的前三句是马克思主义辩证法思想也同意的,但第四句马克思主义就不会这样说了。它怎么说呢?我还没有看到现成的话可以引用。照我的推测,它可能会说:‘仇必仇到底。’”

  冯友兰的这个推测,让人想起在和平年代分裂人民,进行残酷的阶级斗争,搞“无产阶级专政下的继续革命”,或干脆把人民当作敌人,这些正是“仇必仇到底”的行为逻辑。

  冯友兰问:“‘仇必和而解’的思想,是要维持两个对立面所处的那个统一体……‘仇必仇到底’的思想,则是要破坏两个对立面所处的那个统一体……毛泽东是革命家,他所组织和领导的中国共产党是革命的政党,毛泽东思想也当然要主张‘仇必仇到底’。毛泽东常说‘将革命进行到底’,就是这个意思。问题在于什么叫‘到底’?‘底’在哪里?”

  他自己答道:“任何革命都是要破坏两个对立面所共处的那个统一体。那个统一体破坏了,两个对立面就同归于尽,这就是‘底’。革命到这个程度就‘到底’了。”冯友兰认为没有这种必要:“革命家和革命政党,原来反抗当时的统治者,现在转化为统治者了。作为新的统治者,他们的任务就不是要破坏什么统一体,而是要维护这个新的统一体,使之更加巩固,更加发展。这样,就从‘仇必仇到底’的路线转到‘仇必和而解’的路线。这是一个大转弯。在任何一个社会的大转变时期,都有这么一个大转弯。”

  怎样维护这个新的统一体?北京奥运会开幕式,让全世界电视观众看到了一个巨大的汉字“和”,国内观众也看到了。它是什么意思呢?并不是统一思想、老百姓啥都忍着就和谐了的意思。二十年前,冯友兰已经对这个字做出了哲学解释。他说:“张载说‘仇必和而解’,这个‘和’字,不是随便下的。‘和’是张载哲学体系中的一个重要范畴……张载认为,一个社会的正常状态是‘和’,宇宙的正常状态也是‘和’……在中国古典哲学中,‘和’与‘同’不一样。‘同’不能容‘异’;‘和’不但能容‘异’,而且必须有‘异’,才能称其为‘和’……只有一种味道、一个声音,那是‘同’;各种味道,不同声音,配合起来,那是‘和’。”

  这是一个很重要的概念。如果只要求“同”,不能容“异”,就只会一步步重返“仇必仇到底”的道路。极权制度的惨痛教训,必须牢记。有民主、监督、言论自由之“异”,才有真“和”可言。

  冯友兰放眼人类,说:“‘仇必和而解’是客观的辩证法……人是最聪明、最有理性的动物,不会永远走‘仇必仇到底’那样的道路。这就是中国哲学的传统和世界哲学的未来。”

  人类实现和解,是哲学老人冯友兰最后表达的心愿。

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